Political Machines 
    
      Henry George was well acquainted with political machines. He ran twice for mayor of New York City, first in 1886; he came in second to the Tammany Hall candidate, and beat the young Theodore Roosevelt, who, later in his life, would run for president on a platform that was strongly Georgist (it is said that he learned his single tax from Bucky O'Neil, a single-taxer who died a hero at San Juan Hill). George died a few days before the election of 1897, the first after New York City's boroughs were united into a single entity. 
     
    Henry George: Political
    Dangers (Chapter 2 of Social Problems,
1883) 
    
      [14] The people, of course, continue to vote; but the people are losing their
  power. Money and organization tell more and more in elections. In some sections
  bribery has become chronic, and numbers of voters expect regularly to sell
  their votes. In some sections large employers regularly bulldoze their hands
  into voting as they wish. In municipal, State and Federal politics the power
  of the "machine" is increasing. In many places it has become so strong
  that the ordinary citizen has no more influence in the government under which
  he lives than he would have in China. He is, in reality, not one of the governing
  classes, but one of the governed. He occasionally, in disgust, votes for "the
  other man," or "the other party;" but, generally, to find that
  he has effected only a change of masters, or secured the same masters under
  different names. And he is beginning to accept the situation, and to leave
  politics to politicians, as something with which an honest, self-respecting
  man cannot afford to meddle. 
      [15] We are steadily differentiating a governing class, or rather a class
                  of Pretorians, who make a business of gaining political power and then selling
                  it. The type of the rising party leader is not the orator or statesman of an
                  earlier day, but the shrewd manager, who knows how to handle the workers, how
                  to combine pecuniary interests, how to obtain money and to spend it, how to
                  gather to himself followers and to secure their allegiance. One party machine
                  is becoming complementary to the other party machine, the politicians, like
                  the railroad managers, having discovered that combination pays better than
                  competition. So rings are made impregnable and great pecuniary interests secure
                  their ends no matter how elections go. There are sovereign States so completely
                  in the hands of rings and corporations that it seems as if nothing short of
                  a revolutionary uprising of the people could dispossess them. Indeed, whether
                  the General Government has not already passed beyond popular control may be
                  doubted. Certain it is that possession of the General Government has for some
                  time past secured possession. And for one term, at least, the Presidential
                  chair has been occupied by a man not elected to it. This, of course, was largely
                  due to the crookedness of the man who was elected, and to the lack of principle
                  in his supporters. Nevertheless, it occurred. ... read the entire essay 
       
      
    
    
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