// JavaScript Document
dayName = new Array ("Sunday", "Monday", "Tuesday", "Wednesday", "Thursday", "Friday", "Saturday")
monName = new Array ("January", "February", "March", "April", "May", "June", "July", "August", "September", "October", "November", "December")
now = new Date

Jan = new Array
Jan[1] = "Now, however, we are coming into collision with facts which there can be no mistaking. From all parts of the civilized world come complaints of industrial depression; of labor condemned to involuntary idleness; of capital massed and wasting; of pecuniary distress among business men; of want and suffering and anxiety among the working classes. All the dull, deadening pain, all the keen, maddening anguish, that to great masses of men are involved in the words 'hard times,' afflict the world today."
Jan[2] = "The Irish famine was not a true famine arising from scarcity of food. It was what an English writer styled the Indian famine -- a 'financial famine,' arising not from scarcity of food but from the poverty of the people."
Jan[3] = "Those who say it would be unjust for the people to resume their natural rights in the land without compensating present holders, confound right and wrong as flagrantly as did they who held it a crime in the slave to run away without first paying his owner his market value."
Jan[4] = "One thing or the other must be true -- either protection does give better opportunities to labor and raises wages, or it does not. If it does, we who feel that labor has not its rightful opportunities and does not get its fair wages should know it, that we may unite, not merely in sustaining present protection, but in demanding far more. If it does not, then, even if not positively harmful to the working classes, protection is a delusion and a snare, which distracts attention and divides strength, and the quicker it is seen that tariffs cannot raise wages the quicker are those who wish to raise wages likely to find out what can. The next thing to knowing how anything can be done, is to know how it cannot be done."
Jan[5] = "For it is of the very nature of injustice that it really profits no one. When and where was slavery good for slaveholders? Did her cruelties in America, her expulsions of Moors and Jews, her burnings of heretics, profit Spain? Has England gained by her injustice toward Ireland? Did not the curse of an unjust social system rest on Louis XIV and Louis XV as well as on the poorest peasant whom it condemned to rags and starvation-as well as on that Louis whom it sent to the block? Is the Czar of Russia to be envied?"
Jan[6] = "Now, is it not as much an impairment of the right of property to take a lamb as to take a sheep? To take five per cent or twenty per cent as to take a hundred per cent? We would leave the whole of the value produced by individual exertion to the individual. We would respect the rights of property not to any limited extent, but fully."
Jan[7] = "There is distress where large standing armies are maintained, but there is also distress where the standing armies are nominal; there is distress where protective tariffs stupidly and wastefully hamper trade, but there is also distress where trade is nearly free; there is distress where autocratic government yet prevails, but there is also distress where political power is wholly in the hands of the people, in countries where paper is money, and in countries where gold and silver are the only currency. Evidently, beneath such things as these, we must infer a common cause."
Jan[8] = "Whatever improves the condition of the lowest and broadest social stratum must promote the true interests of all. Where the wages of common labor are high and remunerative employment is easy to obtain, prosperity will be genera1. Where wages are highest, there will be the largest production and the most equitable distribution of wealth. There will invention be more active and the brain best guide the hand."
Jan[9] = "I mean that the tendency of what we call material progress is in nowise to improve the condition of the lowest class in the essentials of healthy, happy human life. Nay, more, that it is to still further depress the condition of the lowest class.  *It is true that the poorest may now in certain ways enjoy what the richest a century ago could not have commanded, but this does not show improvement of condition so long as the ability to obtain the necessaries of life is not increased. The beggar in a great city may enjoy many things from which the backwoods farmer is debarred, but that does not prove the condition of the city beggar better than that of the independent farmer."
Jan[10] = "Never since great estates were eating out the heart of Rome has the world seen such enormous fortunes as are now arising. And never more utter proletarians."
Jan[11] = "All these mighty agencies that are extending our powers, that are enabling us to do things that men of a generation ago little dreamed of, that are giving to the hand of a young girl, aided by steam, as much productive force as had a thousand men a century ago -- they are increasing our responsibilities; they demand of us more public virtue, a truer public conscience, a deeper and a keener regard for the rights of others."
Jan[12] = "Thus, if a man take a fish from the ocean he acquires a right of property in that fish, which exclusive right he may transfer by sale or gift. But he cannot obtain a similar right of property in the ocean, so that he may sell it or give it or forbid others to use it."
Jan[13] = "Being the equal creatures of the Creator, equally entitled under His providence to live their lives and satisfy their needs, men are equally entitled to the use of land, and any adjustment that denies this equal use of land is morally wrong."
Jan[14] = "Or, if he cultivate grain he acquires a right of property in the grain his labor brings forth. But he cannot obtain a similar right of property in the sun which ripened it or the soil on which it grew. For these things are of the continuing gifts of God to all generations of men, which all may use, but none may claim as his alone."
Jan[15] = "It is given to men to struggle for the kingdom of justice and righteousness. It is given to men to work and to hope for and to bring on that day of which the prophets have told and the seers have dreamed; that day in which involuntary poverty shall be utterly abolished."
Jan[16] = "Social progress makes the well-being of all more and more the business of each; it binds all closer and closer together in bonds from which none can escape."
Jan[17] = "The tendency of all the inventions and improvements so wonderfully augmenting productive power is to concentrate enormous wealth in the hands of a few, to make the condition of the many more hopeless."
Jan[18] = "It is as though an immense wedge were being forced, not underneath society, but through society. Those who are above the point of separation are elevated, but those who are below are crushed down."
Jan[19] = "We cannot change human nature; we are not so foolish as to dream that human nature can be changed. What we mean to do is to give the good in human nature its opportunity to develop."
Jan[20] = "God has not put on man the task of making bricks without straw. With the need for labor and the power to labor He has also given to man the material for labor. This material is land-man physically being a land animal, who can live only on and from land, and can use other elements, such as air, sunshine and water, only by the use of land."
Jan[21] = "There was bitter satire in the cartoon that one of our illustrated papers published when subscriptions to the Irish famine fund were being made-a cartoon that represented James Gordon Bennett sailing away for Ireland in a boat loaded down with provisions, while a sad-eyed, hungrylooking, tattered group gazed wistfully on them from the pier. The bite and the bitterness of it, the humiliating sting and satire of it, were in its truth."
Jan[22] = "I propose in the following pages to attempt to solve by the methods of political economy the great problem I have outlined. I propose to seek the law which associates poverty with progress, and increases want with advancing wealth; and I believe in the explanation of this paradox we shall find the explanation of those recurring seasons of industrial and commercial paralysis which, viewed independently of their relations to more general phenomena, seem so inexplicable."
Jan[23] = "The intelligence required for the solving of social problems is not a mere thing of the intellect. It must be animated with the religious sentiment and warm with sympathy for human suffering. It must stretch out beyond self-interest, whether it be the self-interest of the few or the many. It must seek justice. For at the bottom of every social problem we will find a social wrong."
Jan[24] = "Let me, then, ask the Duke to look around him in the richest country of the world, where art, science, and the power that comes from the utilization of physical laws have been carried to the highest point yet attained, and note how few of this population can avail themselves fully of the advantages of civilization."
Jan[25] = "If you will go to Scotland, you may see great tracts that under the Gaelic tenure, which recognized the right of each to a foothold in the soil, bred sturdy men, but that now, under the recognition of private property in land, are given up to wild animals."
Jan[26] = "But, in truth, free trade no more originated in Great Britain than did the habit of walking on the feet. Free trade is the natural trade -- the trade that goes on in the absence of artificial restrictions. It is protection that had to be invented. But instead of being invented in the United States, it was in full force in Great Britain long before the United States were thought of."
Jan[27] = "'Thy Kingdom come!' It may be that we shall never see it. But to the man who realizes that it may come, to the man who realizes that it is given to him to work for the coming of God's kingdom on earth, there is for him, though he never may see it, an exceedingly great reward-that reward of feeling that he, little and insignificant though he may be, is doing something to help the coming of that kingdom, doing something on the side of that good power that shows all through the universe, doing something to tear this world from the devil's grasp, and makes it the kingdom of righteousness."
Jan[28] = "To combine the advantages of private possession with the justice of common ownership it is only necessary therefore to take for common uses what value attaches to land irrespective of any exertion of labor on it."
Jan[29] = "The only sense in which we can properly speak of 'British free trade' is the same sense in which we speak of a certain imitation metal as 'German silver.' 'British free trade' is spurious free trade. Great Britain does not really enjoy free trade."
Jan[30] = "And when, therefore, men, deprived of the bounty of their God, are made dependent on the bounty of their fellow creatures, are not these creatures, as it were, put in the place of God, to take credit to themselves for paying obligations that you yourself say God owes?"
Jan[31] = "Try our remedy by any test. The test of justice, the test of expediency. Try it by any dictum of political economy; by any maxim of good morals, by any maxim of good government. It will stand every test. What I ask you to do is not to take what I or any other man may say, but to think for yourselves."

Feb = new Array
Feb[1] = "I propose to beg no question, to shrink from no conclusion, but to follow truth wherever it may lead. Upon us is the responsibility of seeking the law, for in the very heart of our civilization today women faint and little children moan. But what that law may prove to be is not our affair. If the conclusions that we reach run counter to our prejudices, let us not flinch, if they challenge institutions that have long been deemed wise and natural, let us not turn back."
Feb[2] = "We propose, leaving land in the private possession of individuals, with full liberty on their part to give, sell, or bequeath it, simply to levy on it for public uses a tax that shall equal the annual value of the land itself, irrespective of the use made of it or the improvements on it."
Feb[3] = "He who observes the law and the proprieties, and cares for his family, yet takes no interest in the general weal, and gives no thought to those who are trodden under foot, save now and then to bestow alms, is not a true Christian. Nor is he a good citizen. The duty of the citizen is more and harder than this."
Feb[4] = "The most ominous political sign in the United States today is the growth of a sentiment which either doubts the existence of an honest man in public office or looks on him as a fool for not seizing his opportunities. That is to say, the people themselves are becoming corrupted."
Feb[5] = "Taxation must not take from individuals what rightfully belongs to individuals."
Feb[6] = "He who sees the truth, let him proclaim it, without asking who is for it or who is against it. This is not radicalism in the bad sense which so many attach to the word. This is conservatism in the true sense."
Feb[7] = "In the Southern States, during the days of slavery, the master who would have compelled his negroes to work and live as large classes of free white men and women are compelled in free countries to work and live, would have been deemed infamous, and if public opinion had not restrained him, his own selfish interests in the maintenance of the health and strength of his chattels would."
Feb[8] = "Give labor a free field and its full earnings; take for the benefit of the whole community that fund which the growth of the community creates, and want and the fear of want would be gone."
Feb[9] = "The single tax will directly and largely benefit small land owners, whose interests as laborers and capitalists are much greater than their interests as land owners."
Feb[10] = "In seeking to restore all men to their equal and natural rights we do not seek the benefit of any class, but of all. For we both know by faith and see by fact that injustice can profit no one and that justice must benefit all."
Feb[11] = "Unless we come back to first principles, unless we recognize natural perceptions of equity, unless we acknowledge the equal right of all to land, our free institutions will be in vain, our common schools will be in vain; our discoveries and inventions will but add to the force that presses the masses down!"
Feb[12] = "Land is necessary to all production, no matter what be its kind of form; land is the standing place, the workshop, the storehouse of labor; it is to the human being the only means by which he can obtain access to the material universe or utilize its powers. Without land man cannot exist. To whom the ownership of land is given, to him is given the virtual ownership of the men who must live upon it. When this necessity is absolute, then does he necessarily become their absolute master."
Feb[13] = "Taxation must not lead men into temptation, by requiring trivial oaths, by making it profitable to lie, to swear falsely, to bribe or to take bribes."
Feb[14] = "Great wealth always supports the party in power, no matter how corrupt it may be. It never exerts itself for reform, for it instinctively fears change. There is danger in reckless change; but greater danger in blind conservatism."
Feb[15] = "A theory that, falling in with the habits of thought of the poorer classes, thus justifies the greed of the rich and the selfishness of the powerful, will spread quickly and strike its roots deep. This has been the case with the theory advanced by Malthus."
Feb[16] = "In language almost identical with yours it was asked, 'Here is a poor man who has worked hard, lived sparingly, and invested his savings in a few slaves. Would you rob him of his earnings by liberating those slaves?' Or it was said: 'Here is a poor widow; all her husband has been able to leave her is a few negroes, the earnings of his hard toil. Would you rob the widow and the orphan by freeing those negroes?'"
Feb[17] = "The claws of one animal were intended, we say, to climb with, the fins of another to propel it through the water. Yet, while in looking through the laws of physical nature, we find intelligence, we do not so clearly find beneficence. But in the great social fact that as population increases, and improvements are made, and men progress in civilization, the one thing that rises everywhere in value is land, we may see a proof of the beneficence of the Creator."
Feb[18] = "But, though in Lamb's charming dissertation it was required that a sage should arise to teach people that they might roast pigs without burning down houses, it does not take a sage to see that what is required for the improvement of land is not absolute ownership of the land, but security for the improvements."
Feb[19] = "The equal right of all men to the use of land is as clear as their equal right to breath the air-it is a right proclaimed by the fact of their existence. For we cannot suppose that some men have a right to be in this world and others no right."
Feb[20] = "Taxation must not repress industry. It must not check commerce. It must not punish thrift. It must offer no impediment to the largest production and the fairest division of wealth."
Feb[21] = "Our organized lobbies, both Legislative and Congressional, rely as much upon the fears as upon the hopes of moneyed interests. When 'business' is dull, their resource is to get up a bill which some moneyed interest will pay them to beat."
Feb[22] = "Look over the republic today. See great estates growing and multiplying, while an increasing proportion of so-called free and independent American citizens are destitute of all legal right. to use the soil of their country, can only work on it, can only live on it, by paying tribute to some other human creature, and he often a resident of Europe, for permission to do so. Is it any wonder that faith in democratic republicanism is weakening, that all the evils that our fathers thought of as belonging only to 'the effete monarchies of the old world' are appearing here?"
Feb[23] = "A consideration of the manner in which the speculative advance in land values cuts down the earnings of labor and capital and checks production, leads, I think, irresistibly to the conclusion that this is the main cause of those periodical industrial depressions to which every civilized country, and all civilized countries together, seem increasingly liable."
Feb[24] = "The majority of men do not think; the majority of men have to expend so much energy in the struggle to make a living that they do not have time to think. The majority of men accept, as a matter of course, whatever is. This is what makes the task of the social reform so difficult, his path so hard. This is what brings upon those who first raise their voices in behalf of a great truth the sneers of the powerful and the curses of the rabble, ostracism and martyrdom, the robe of derision and the crown of thorns."
Feb[25] = "Property in land means not merely a continuous exclusion of some people from the element which it is plainly the intent of Nature that all should enjoy, but it involves a continuous confiscation of labor and the results of labor."
Feb[26] = "I am willing to submit every question of political economy to the test of ethics. So far as I can see there is no social law which does not conform to moral law, and no social question which cannot be determined more quickly and certainly by appeal to moral perceptions than by appeal to intellectual perceptions."
Feb[27] = "Consider the blacksmith of the industrial era now everywhere passing-or rather the 'black and white smith,' for the finished workman worked in steel as well. The smithy stood by roadside or street. Through its open doors were caught glimpses of nature; all that was passing could be seen. Wayfarers stopped to inquire, neighbors to tell or hear the news, children to see the hot iron glow and watch the red sparks fly. Go now into one of those enormous establishments covering acres and acres, in which workmen by the thousand are massed together, and, by the aid of steam and machinery, iron is converted to its uses at a fraction of the cost of the old system."
Feb[28] = "We propose to substitute for the present system of taxation a system of taxation that will not discourage enterprise, that will not fine and punish industry, that will not require any one to come up and take an oath, that will not necessitate an army of spies and a horde of tax gatherers."
Feb[29] = "Never in the history of thought has a movement come forward so fast and so well."

Mar = new Array
Mar[1] = "Democratic forms may be maintained, but there can be as much tyranny and misgovernment under . democratic forms as any other-in fact, they lend themselves most readily to tyranny and misgovernment."
Mar[2] = "But now, so well forward is this cause, so many strong advocates has it in every land, so far has it won its way that now it makes no difference who lives or who dies, who goes forward or who hangs back. Now the currents of time are setting in our favor. At last-at last we can with certainty that it will only be a little while before all over the English speaking world, and then, not long after, over the rest of the civilized world, the great truth will be acknowledged that no human child comes into this world without coming into his equal right to all."
Mar[3] = "To command charity as a substitute for justice, is indeed something akin in essence to those heresies, condemned by your predecessors, that taught that the Gospel had superseded the law, and that the love of God exempted men from moral obligation."
Mar[4] = "While, as we saw in the Congress just adjourned, the benevolent gentlemen whose desire it is to protect us against the pauper labor of Europe quarrel over their respective shares of the spoil with as little regard for the taxpayer as a pirate crew would have for the consignees of a captured vessel."
Mar[5] = "maintain a tariff for the avowed purpose of keep.out the products of cheap foreign labor; yet machines are daily invented that produce goods cheaper than the st foreign' labor. Clearly the only consistent protectionism is that of China, which would not only prohibit commerce, but forbid the introduction of labor."
Mar[6] = "When in all trades there is what we call scarcity of employment; when, everywhere, labor wastes, while desire is unsatisfied, must not the obstacle which prevents labor from producing the wealth it needs, lie at the foundation of the industrial structure? That foundation is land."
Mar[7] = "There are only three ways by which any individual can get wealth-by work, by gift or by theft. And, clearly, the reason why the workers get so little is that the beggars and thieves get so much. When a man gets wealth that he does not produce, he necessarily gets it at the expense of those who produce it."
Mar[8] = "Here is a value, (the rental value of land), that may be taken without impairing the right of property, without taking anything from the producer, without lessening the natural rewards of industry and thrift. Nay, here is a value that must be taken if we would prevent the most monstrous of all monopolies. What does all this mean? It means that in the creative plan, the natural advance in civilization is an advance to a greater and greater equality instead of to a more and more monstrous inequality."
Mar[9] = "Let me ask your Holiness to keep in mind that the value we propose to tax, the value to land irrespective of improvements, does not come from any exertion of labor or investment of capital on or in it-the values produced in this way being values of improvement which we would exempt."
Mar[10] = "That God has intended the state to obtain the revenues it needs by the taxation of land values is shown by the same order and degree of evidence that shows that God has intended the milk of the mother for the nourishment of the babe."
Mar[11] = "The reason why, in spite of the increase of productive power, wages constantly tend to a minimum which will give but a bare living, is that, with increase in productive power, rent tends to even greater increase, thus producing a constant tendency to the forcing down of wages."
Mar[12] = "To take land values for the state, abolishing all taxes on the products of labor, would therefore leave to the laborer the full produce of labor; to the individual all that rightfully belongs to the individual."
Mar[13] = "To admit that labor needs protection is to acknowledge its inferiority; it is to acquiesce in an assumption that degrades the workman to the position of a dependent, and leads logically to the claim that the employee is bound to vote in the interest of the employer who provides him with work."
Mar[14] = "There is something in the very word 'protection' that ought to make workingmen cautious of accepting anything presented to them under it. The protection of the masses has in all times been the pretense of tyranny-the plea of monarchy, of aristocracy, of special privilege of every kind. The slave owners justified slavery as protecting the slaves. British misrule in Ireland is upheld on the ground that it is for the protection of the Irish."
Mar[15] = "When, in the streets of New York for the first time, I realized the contrasts of wealth and want that are to be found in a great city, the problem grew upon me. I said to myself there must be some reason for this; there must be some remedy for this, and I will not rest until I have found the one and discovered the other. At last it came clear as the stars of a bright midnight. I saw what was the cause; I saw what was the cure. I saw nothing that was new. Truth is never new."
Mar[16] = "If you go to Ireland, your Bishops will show you, on lands where now only beasts graze, the traces of hamlets that when they were young priests, were filled with honest, kindly, religious people."
Mar[17] = "To propose to buy out the landlords is to propose to continue the present injustice in another form. They would get in interest on the debt created what they now get in rent. Ask not for Ireland mere charity or sympathy. Let her call be the call of fraternity: 'For yourselves, O brothers, as well as for us!' Let her rallying cry awake all who slumber, and rouse to a common struggle all who are oppressed. Let it breathe not old hates; let it ring and echo with the new hope!"
Mar[18] = "To abolish the taxation which, acting and reacting, now hampers every wheel of exchange and presses upon every form of industry, would be like removing an immense weight from a powerful spring. Imbued with fresh energy, production would start into new life, and trade would receive a stimulus which would be felt to the remotest arteries. The present method of taxation operates upon exchange like artificial deserts and mountains; it costs more to get goods through a custom house than it does to carry them around the world."
Mar[19] = "Imagine a Christian missionary expounding to a newly discovered people the sublime truths of the gospel of peace and love the fatherhood of God; the brotherhood of man; the duty of regarding the interests of our neighbors equally with our own, and of doing to others as we would have them do to us. Could he, in the same breath, go on to declare that, by virtue of the laws of this same God, each nation, to prosper, must defend itself against all other nations by a protective tariff?"
Mar[20] = "Is it not a notorious fact, known to the most ignorant, that new countries, where the aggregate wealth is small, but where land is cheap, are always better countries for the laboring classes than the rich countries, where land is dear? Wherever you find land relatively low, will you not find wages relatively high? And wherever land is high, will you not find wages low? As land increases in value, poverty deepens and pauperism appears."
Mar[21] = "Consider: Here is a natural law by which as society advances the one thing that increases in value is land-a natural law by virtue of which all growth of population, all advance of the arts, all general improvements of whatever kind, add to a fund that both the commands of justice and the dictates of expediency prompt us to take for the common uses of society."
Mar[22] = "No one can bargain away what is not his; no one can stipulate away the rights of another. And if the new-born infant has an equal right to life, then has it an equal right to land. Its warrant, which comes direct from Nature, and which sets aside all human laws or title-deeds, is the fact that it is born."
Mar[23] = "That he who produces should have, that he who saves should enjoy, is consistent with human reason and with the natural order. But existing inequalities of wealth cannot be justified on this ground."
Mar[24] = "The freedom to earn, without fear or favor, a comfortable living, ought to go with the freedom to vote. Thus alone can a sound basis for republican institutions be secured."
Mar[25] = "And just as for the mother to withhold the provision that fills her breast with the birth of the child is to endanger physical health, so for society to refuse to take for social uses the provision intended for them is to breed social disease."
Mar[26] = "The poverty to which in advancing civilization great masses of men are condemned, is not the freedom from distraction and temptation which sages have sought and philosophers have praised: it is a degrading and embruting slavery, that cramps the higher nature, dulls the finer feelings, and drives men by its pain to acts which the brutes would refuse."
Mar[27] = "For what is the core, the essence of our belief -- we, who for want of a better word, call ourselves Single Tax men? It is that there is in social relations as in physical relations a law, an order; a law which everywhere coincides with the moral law; an order which shows Intelligence and Geneficence. The simple, yet far-reaching reform that we urge is to us no ingenious scheme devised by human wit; no deftly invented panacea to cure human ills. It is something far simpler, yet transcendently grander -- it is the conformation of human law to the supreme law of justice; the obedience in our legislation to God's will."
Mar[28] = "The protective theory implies the opposition of national interests; that the gain of one people is the loss of others; that each must seek its own good by constant efforts to get advantage over others and to prevent others from getting advantage over it."
Mar[29] = "To give you an illustration: Take chromos, such as my friend Prang makes, and impose a tax on them and they will advance in price, and the man who buys them will ultimately have to pay that tax, for the reason that unless buyers will pay his price, plus the tax, the manufacturer will stop making them. But a tax upon a picture by one of the old masters -- a Raphael, for instance -- would not add to its price. There is only one such picture in the world, and no others can be made. Therefore it commands a monopoly price. It is not an article that can be manufactured, and a tax upon a picture of that kind would fall on the owner. He could not add it to the price when he sold it."
Mar[30] = "Poverty is the Slough of Despond which Bunyan saw in his dream, and into which good books may be tossed forever without result. To make people industrious, prudent, skillful and intelligent, they must be relieved from want. If you would have the slave show the virtues of the freeman, you must first make him free."
Mar[31] = "For refusal to take for public purposes the increasing values that attach to land with social growth is to necessitate the getting of public revenues by taxes that lessen production, distort distribution and corrupt society. It is to leave some to take what justly belongs to all; it is to forego the only means by which it is possible in an advanced civilization to combine the security of possession that is necessary to improvement with the equality of natural opportunity that is the most important of all natural rights."

Apr = new Array
Apr[1] = "Yet, when we search and analyze, we find that the cause of poverty, that poverty which degrades and imbrutes, that poverty which arouses on the one side the greed of gain and on the other side the horrible fear of want, comes from a great primary wrong, from the denial of the equal rights of men to the elements that is necessary to life comes from the fact that we have made that which belongs to all the exclusive property of some."
Apr[2] = "To give the suffrage to slaves is only to give votes to their owners. That universal suffrage may add to, instead of decreasing the political power of wealth we see when mill-owners and mine-operators vote their hands."
Apr[3] = "It seems to me impossible to consider the necessarily universal character of the protective theory without feeling it to be repugnant to moral perceptions and inconsistent with the simplicity and harmony which we everywhere discover in natural law."
Apr[4] = "The methods by which a trade union can alone act, are necessarily destructive; its organization is necessarily tyrannical. A strike, which is the only recourse by which a trade union can enforce its demands, is a destructive contest."
Apr[5] = "What is the cause of this dark shadow that seems to accompany modern civilization -- of this existence of bitter want in the very centers of life -- of the failure of all our modern advances -- of all the wonderful discoveries and inventions that have made this wonderful nineteenth century, now drawing to a close, so prominent among all the centuries?"
Apr[6] = "If we want more wealth -- if we call that country prosperous which is increasing in wealth -- is it not a piece of stupidity that we should tax men for producing wealth?"
Apr[7] = "We see that the law of justice, the law of the Golden Rule, is not a mere counsel for perfection, but indeed the law of social life.  Yet, your Encyclical employs in defense of one form of slavery the same fallacies that the apologists for chattel slavery used in defense of the other!"
Apr[8] = "The darkness in light, the weakness in strength, the poverty amid wealth, the seething discontent foreboding civil strife, that characterize our civilization of today, are the natural, the inevitable results of our rejection of God's beneficence, of our ignoring of His intent."
Apr[9] = "Conscientious men will (until they get used to them) shrink from false oaths, from bribery, or from other means necessary to evade a tariff, but even of believers in protection are there any who really think such evasions wrong in themselves? What theoretical protectionist is there, who, if no one was watching him, would scruple to carry a box of cigars or a dress pattern, or anything else that could be carried, across a steamer wharf or across Niagara bridge?"
Apr[10] = "What a noble income would be that of a Duke of New York, a Marquis of Philadelphia, or a Count of San Francisco, who would administer the government of these municipalities for fifty per cent of present waste and stealage!"
Apr[11] = "If chattel slavery be unjust, then is private property in land unjust. For, let the circumstances be what they may -the ownership of land will always give the ownership of men, to a degree measured by the necessity (real or artificial) for the use of land. This is but a statement in different form of the law of rent."
Apr[12] = "Democratic government becomes the worst government when the voting power is in the hands of proletarians, and the patriot may soon sigh for constitutional monarchy, or even an intelligent despotism. Make no mistake. A property qualification of the suffrage is not entirely devoid of reason. Every voter ought to have 'a stake in the country'."
Apr[13] = "Thomas Jefferson was not a dreamer of dreams; a mere doctrinaire imbued with the impractical vagaries of Rousseau and the French Revolution, as some Americans now style him, and many more think him. He is the greatest of all philosophic statesmen this country has produced; a man far in advance of his own time and yet in advance of our times. Nothing that the finger of scorn can be pointed to in this country; nothing that we may lament in our conditions, is due to an excess of democracy, but to a want of it. If we would preserve the republic in anything more than name, if we would have it fulfill its highest promise, we must be, not less democratic, but more."
Apr[14] = "The laws of nature are the decrees of the Creator. There is written in them no recognition of any right save that of labor; and in them is written broadly and clearly the equal right of all men to the use and enjoyment of nature; to apply to her by their exertions, and to receive and possess her reward. Hence, as nature gives only to labor, the exertion of labor in production is the only title to exclusive possession."
Apr[15] = "There is but one way to remove an evil -- and that is, to remove its cause. Poverty deepens as wealth increases, and wages are forced down while productive power grows, because land, which is the source of all wealth and the field of all labor, is monopolized. To extirpate poverty, to make wages what justice commands they should be, the full earnings of the laborer, we must therefore substitute for the individual ownership of land a common ownership. Nothing else will go to the cause of the evil-in nothing else is there the slightest hope."
Apr[16] = "What is the reason, that as we add to productive power -that is, invention after invention-multiplying by the hundred-fold and the thousand-fold the power of human hands to supply human wants? That all over the civilized world, and especially in this great country, that pauperism is increasing, and insanity is increasing, and criminality is increasing; that marriages are decreasing; that the struggle for existence seems not less, but more and more intense -- what is the reason?"
Apr[17] = "How much more of the fruits of their toil do the agricultural laborers of Italy and England get than did the slaves of our Southern States? Did not private property in land permit the land owner of Europe in ruder times to demand the jus primae noctis?"
Apr[18] = "All that we seek practically is the legal abolition, as fast as possible, of taxes on the products and processes of labor, and the consequent concentration of taxation on land values irrespective of improvements."
Apr[19] = "The great, wealthy and powerful nations have always lost their freedom; it is only in small, poor and isolated communities that Liberty has been maintained."
Apr[20] = "Whether protectionists or free traders, we all hear with interest and pleasure of improvements in transportation by water or land; we are all disposed to regard the opening of canals, the building of railways, the deepening of harbors, the improvement of steamships, as beneficial. But if such things are beneficial how can tariffs be beneficial? The effect of such thing is to lessen the cost of transporting commodities; the effect of tariffs is to increase it."
Apr[21] = "There is, indeed, as Bishop Nulty says, a peculiar beauty in the clearness with which the wisdom and benevolence of Providence are revealed in this great social fact, the provision made for the common needs of society in what economists call the law of rent."
Apr[22] = "The popular idea of reform seems to be merely a change of men or a change of parties, not a change of system. Political children, we attribute to bad men or wicked parties what really springs from deep general causes."
Apr[23] = "It is of course impossible in a civilization like this of ours to divide land up into equal pieces. Such a system might have done in a primitive state of society. Among a people such as that for whom the Mosaic code was framed. It would not do in this state of society. We have progressed in civilization beyond such rude devices, but we have not, nor can we, progress beyond God's providence. There is a way of securing the equal rights of all, not by dividing land up into equal pieces, but by taking for the use of all that value which attaches to land, not as the result of individual labor upon it, but as the result of the increase of population, and the improvement of society."
Apr[24] = "Trade does not require force. Free trade consists simply in letting people buy and sell as they want to buy and sell. It is protection that requires force, for it consists in preventing people from doing what they want to do. Protective tariffs are as much applications of force as are blockading squadrons, and their object is the same to prevent trade."
Apr[25] = "But to those who think as I do, the ethical is the more important side. Not only do we not wish to evade the question of private property in land, but to us it seems that the beneficent and far-reaching revolution we aim at is too great a thing to be accomplished by 'intelligent self interest,' and can be carried by nothing less than the religious conscience."
Apr[26] = "'Men of Rome,' said Tiberius Gracchus-'men of Rome, you are called the lords of the world, yet have no right to a square foot of its soil! The wild beasts have their dens, but the soldiers of Italy have only water and air!'"
Apr[27] = "Consider how inconsistent with the protective theory is the free trade that prevails between the states of the American Union. Our Union includes an area almost as large as Europe, yet the protectionists who hold that each European country ought to protect itself against all the rest make no objection to the free trade that exists between the American states."
Apr[28] = "We see that God in His dealings with men has not been a bungler or a niggard; that He has not brought too many men into the world; that He has not neglected abundantly to supply them; that He has not intended that bitter competition of the masses for a mere animal existence."
Apr[29] = "Civilization, as it progresses, requires a higher conscience, a keener sense of justice, a warmer brotherhood, a wider, loftier, truer public spirit. Failing these, civilization must pass into destruction. It cannot be maintained on the ethics of savagery. For civilization knits men more and more closely together, and constantly tends to subordinate the individual to the whole, and to make more and more important social conditions."
Apr[30] = "Moral right and wrong, the Duke must agree with me, are not matters of precedent. The repetition of a wrong may dull the moral sense, but will not make it right. A robbery is no less a robbery the thousand millionth time it is committed than it was the first time."

May = new Array
May[1] = "It would be wrong to pay the present landowners for 'their' land at the expense of the people; it would likewise be wrong to sell it again to smaller holders. It would be wrong to abolish the payment of rent, and to give the land to its present cultivators. In the very nature of things, land can not rightfully be made individual property."
May[2] = "The masses of men, who in the midst of abundance suffer want; who, clothed with political freedom, are condemned to the wages of slavery; to whose toil labor-saving inventions bring no relief, but rather seem to rob them of a privilege, instinctively feel that 'there is something wrong.' And they are right."
May[3] = "But to follow the protective theory to its logical conclusions we cannot stop with protection between state and state, township and township, village and village. If protection be needful between nations, it must be needful not only between political subdivisions, but between family and family."
May[4] = "The social pressure which forces on our shores this swelling tide of immigration arises not from the fact that the land of Europe is all in use, but that it is all appropriated. That will soon be our case as well. Our land will not all be used; but it will all be 'fenced in.'"
May[5] = "Hence we earnestly seek the judgment of religion. This is the tribunal of which your Holiness as the head of the largest body of Christians is the most august representative."
May[6] = "We do not propose a tax upon land, as people who misapprehend us constantly say. We do not propose a tax upon land; we propose a tax upon land values, or what in the terminology of political economy is termed rent; that is to say, the value which attaches to land irrespective of any improvements in or on it."
May[7] = "Protection implies prevention. To protect is to preserve or defend. What is it that protection by tariff prevents? It is trade. To speak more exactly, it is that part of trade which consists in bringing in from other countries commodities that might be produced at home."
May[8] = "While anyone may hold exclusive possession of land so far as it does not interfere with the equal rights of others, he can rightfully hold it no further. You know, as said by St. Thomas of Aquinas, that 'Human law is, law only in virtue of its accordance with right reason and it is thus manifest that it flows from the eternal law. And in so far as it deviates from right reason it is called an unjust law. In such case it is not law at all, but rather a species of violence.'"
May[9] = "And now that slavery has been abolished, the planters of the South find they have sustained no loss. Their ownership of the land upon which the freedmen must live gives them practically as much command of labor as before, while they are relieved of responsibility, sometimes very expensive."
May[10] = "We call ourselves today single tax men. It is only recently, within a few years, that we have adopted that title. It is not a new title; over a hundred years ago there arose in France a school of philosophers and patriots-Quesnay, Turgot, Condorcet, Eupont-the most illustrious men of their time, who advocated, as the cure for all social ills, the impot unique, the single tax."
May[11] = "And so in our Far West, I have seen emigrants toiling painfully for long distances through vacant land without finding a spot on which they dared settle. In a country where the springs and streams are all inclosed by walls he cannot scale, the wayfarer, but for charity, might perish of thirst, as in a desert."
May[12] = "The sympathy of your Holiness seems exclusively directed to the poor, the workers. Ought this to be so? Are not the rich, the idlers, to be pitied also? By the word of the Gospel, it is the rich rather than the poor who call for pity, for the presumption is that they will share the fate of Dives."
May[13] = "The poverty which in the midst of abundance pinches and embrutes men, and all the manifold evils which flow from it, spring from a denial of justice. In permitting the monopolization of the opportunities which nature freely offers to all, we have ignored the fundamental law of justice-for so far as we can see, when we view things upon a large scale, justice seems to be the supreme law of the universe."
May[14] = "Protectionists are only protectionists in theory and in politics. When it comes to buying what they want all protectionists are free traders. I say this to point out not the inconsistency of protectionists, but something more significant."
May[15] = "In every civilized country pauperism, crime, insanity, and suicides are increasing. In every civilized country the diseases are increasing which come from overstrained nerves, from insufficient nourishment, from squalid lodgings, from unwholesome and monotonous occupations, from premature labor of children, from the tasks and crimes which poverty imposes upon women."
May[16] = "The necessary relation between labor and land, the absolute power which the ownership of land gives over men who cannot live but by using it, explains what is otherwise inexplicable the growth and persistence of institutions, manners, and ideas so utterly repugnant to the natural sense of liberty and equality."
May[17] = "It is as natural for men to trade as it is for blood to circulate. Man is by nature a trading animal, impelled to trade by persistent desires, placed in a world where everything shows that he was intended to trade, and finding in trade the possibility of social advance. Without trade man would be a savage."
May[18] = "Where such restrictions as Factory Acts seem needed in the interests of labor, the seeming need, to my mind, arises from previous restrictions, in the removal of which, and not in further restrictions, the true remedy is to be sought."
May[19] = "But as civilization goes on, as a division of labor takes place, as men come into centers, so do the common wants increase, and so does the necessity for public revenue arise. And so in that value which attaches to land, not by reason of anything which the individual does, but by reason of the growth of the community, is a provision intended-we may safely say intended-to meet that social want. Just as society grows so do the common needs grow, and so grows, this value attaching to land-the provided fund from which they can be supplied."
May[20] = "Social truth never is, never can be new; and the truth for which we stand is an old truth; a truth seen by men everywhere, recognized by the first perceptions of all men; only overclouded, only obscured in our modern times by force and fraud."
May[21] = "Every political truth must be a moral truth. Yet who can accept the protective theory as a moral truth?"
May[22] = "Thus every step in advance destroys the independence and increases the interdependence of men. The appointed condition of human progress is evidently that men shall come into closer relations and become more and more dependent upon each other."
May[23] = "When the idea of individual ownership, which so justly and naturally attaches to things of human production, is extended to land, all the rest is a mere matter of development. The strongest and most cunning easily acquire a superior share in this species of property, which is to be had, not by production, but by appropriation, and in becoming lords of the land they become necessarily lords of their fellow-men."
May[24] = "All that is needed to remedy the evils of our time is to do justice and give freedom."
May[25] = "Standing navies and standing armies are inimical to the genius of democracy, and it ought to be our pride, as it is our duty, to show the world that a great republic can dispense with both."
May[26] = "I care little for men, little for organization, much for principle. The only usefulness of parties to my mind is as they represent ideas and advance policies."
May[27] = "I do not need more formally to show your Holiness that between utterly depricing a man of God's gifts and depriving him of God's gifts unless he will buy them, is merely the difference between the robber who leaves his victim to die and the robber who puts him to ransom."
May[28] = "Your Holiness, it is not the forethought of carrying water where it is needed, but the forethought of seizing springs, that you seek to defend in defending the private ownership of land!"
May[29] = "Liberty is natural. Primitive perceptions are of the equal rights of the citizen, and political organization always starts from this base."
May[30] = "How can a man be said to have a country where he has no right to a square inch of soil; where he has nothing but his hands, and, urged by starvation, must bid against his fellows for the privilege of using them?"
May[31] = "It is everywhere obvious that the independent mechanic is becoming an operative, the little storekeeper a salesman in a big store, the small merchant a clerk or bookkeeper, and that men, under the old system independent, are being massed into the employ of great firms and corporations."

Jun = new Array
Jun[1] = "Why, in spite of increase in productive power, do wages tend to a minimum which will give but a bare living? The Boston collar manufacturer who pays his girls two cents an hour may commiserate their condition, but he, as they, is governed by the law of competition, and cannot pay more and carry on his business, for exchange is not governed by sentiment."
Jun[2] = "Let the time-servers, the demagogues, the compromisers, to whom nothing is right and nothing is wrong, but who are always seeking to find some halfway house between right and wrong-let them all go their ways. Any cause which can lay hold of a great truth is the stronger without them."
Jun[3] = "Richard Cobden saw that the agitation of the tariff question must untimately pass into the agitation of the land question, and from what I have heard of him I am inclined to think that were he in life and vigor today, he would be leading in the movement for the restoration to the British people of their natural rights into their native land."
Jun[4] = "Those French economists were what neither Smith nor any subsequent British economist or statesman has been true free traders. They wished to sweep away not merely protective duties, but all taxes, direct and indirect, save a single tax upon land values. This logical conclusion of free-trade principles the so-called. British free traders have shirked, and it meets today as bitter opposition from the Cobden Club as from American protectionists."
Jun[5] = "Adam Smith demonstrated clearly enough that protective tariffs hamper the production of wealth. But Adam Smith-the university professor, the tutor and pensioner of the Duke of Buccleugh, the prospective holder of a government place -either did not deem it prudent to go further, or, as is more probable, was prevented from seeing the necessity of doing so by the atmosphere of his time and place."
Jun[6] = "Therefore it is that I would urge earnest men who aim at the emancipation of labor and the establishment of social justice, to throw themselves into the free-trade movement with might and main, and to force the tariff question to the front."
Jun[7] = "Between normal men the difference of a sixth or seventh is a great difference in height-the tallest giant ever known was scarcely more than four times as tall as the smallest dwarf ever known, and I doubt if any good observer will say that the mental differences of men are greater than the physical differences. Yet we already have men hundreds of millions of times richer than other men."
Jun[8] = "Aye! that Christianity that puts on the Creator the evil, the injustice, the suffering, the degradation,	that are due to man's injustice, is worse, far worse than	theism. That is the blasphemy, and if there be a sin against the Holy Ghost, that is the unpardonable sin."
Jun[9] = "The reduction of the war tax on whisky was strongly opposed by the whisky ring, composed of great distillers. The match manufacturers fought bitterly the abolition of the tax on matches. Whenever it has been proposed to reduce or repeal any indirect tax Congress has been beset by a persistent lobby urging that, whatever other taxes might be dispensed with, that particular tax might be left in full force."
Jun[10] = "All of us have mothers; most of us have children, and so faith, and purity, and unselfishness can never be utterly banished from the world, howsoever bad be social adjustments. As said the Brahmins, ages ago-'To whomsoever the soil at any time belongs, to him belong the fruits of it. White parasols and elephants mad with pride are the flowers of a grant of land.'"
Jun[11] = "'Thy kingdom come!'-when Christ taught that prayer He meant, not merely that men must idly phrase these words, but that for the coming of that kingdom they must work as well as pray!"
Jun[12] = "One cannot look, it seems to me, through nature; whether he look at the stars through a telescope, or have the microscope reveal to him those worlds that we find in drops of water, whether we consider the human frame, the adjustments of the animal kingdom, or of any department of physical nature, he must see that there has been a contriver and adjuster, that there has been an intent."
Jun[13] = "The iniquity is not in abolishing an institution which permits one man to plunder others, but in continuing it. Any claim of landowners to compensation is not a claim to payment for what they have previously taken, but to payment for what they might yet take."
Jun[14] = "Slavery is not yet abolished. Though in all Christian countries its ruder form has now gone, it still exists in the heart of our civilization in more insidious form, and is increasing."
Jun[15] = "Private property in land, which never arises from the natural perceptions of men, but springs historically from usurpation and robbery, is something so utterly absurd, so outrageously unjust, so clearly a waste of productive forces and a barrier to the most profitable use of natural opportunities, so thoroughly opposed to all sound maxims of public policy, so glaringly in the way of further progress, that it is only tolerated because the majority of men never think about it or hear it questioned."
Jun[16] = "There are deep wrongs in the present constitution of society, but they are not wrongs inherent in the constitution of man nor in those social laws which are as truly the laws of the Creator as are the laws of the physical universe. They are wrongs resulting from bad adjustments which it is within our power to amend."
Jun[17] = "A community composed of very rich and very poor falls an easy prey to whoever can seize power. The very poor have not spirit and intelligence enough to resist; and the very rich have too much at stake."
Jun[18] = "If you will come to the United States, you will find in a land wide enough and rich enough to support in comfort the whole population of Europe, the growth of a sentiment that looks with evil eye on immigration, because the artificial scarcity that results from private property in land makes it seem as if there is not room enough and work enough for those already here."
Jun[19] = "There are two classes of men who are always talking as though great fortunes resulted from the power of increase belonging to capital-those who declare that present social adjustments are all right; and those who denounce capital and insist that interest should be abolished."
Jun[20] = "The making of a tariff, instead of being, as the protective theory requires, a careful consideration of the circumstances and needs of each industry, is in practice simply a great 'grab' in which the retained advocates of selfish interests bully and beg, bribe and log-roll, in the endeavor to get the largest possible protection for themselves without regard for other interests or for the general good."
Jun[21] = "Capital is a good; the capitalist is a helper, if he is not also a monopolist. We can safely let any one get as rich as he can if he will not despoil others in doing so. There is, after all, some sense in a property qualification. The man who is dependent on a master for his living is not a free man."
Jun[22] = "The greatest enemy of the people's cause is he who appeals to national passion and excites old hatreds. He is its best friend who does his utmost to bury them out of sight. For that action and reaction are equal and uniform is the law of the moral as of the physical world."
Jun[23] = "It is the fool who saith in his heart there is no God. But what shall we call the man who tells us that with this sort of a world God bids us be content? It is no mere fiscal reform that I propose; it is a conforming of the most important social adjustments to natural laws"
Jun[24] = "Unless its foundations be laid in Justice, the social structure cannot stand."
Jun[25] = "Is it on the rights given by the industry of those who first used it for grazing cows or growing potatoes that you would found the title to the land now covered by the city of New York and having a value of thousands of millions of dollars?"
Jun[26] = "Place one hundred men on an island from which there is no escape, and whether you make one of these men the absolute owner of the other ninety-nine, or the absolute owner of the soil of the island, will make no difference either to him or to them."
Jun[27] = "Protective tariffs make more work, in the sense in which the spilling of grease over her kitchen floor makes more work for the housewife, or as a rain that wets his hay makes more work for the farmer."
Jun[28] = "When the slaveholders of the South looked upon the condition of the free laboring poor in the most advanced civilized countries, it is no wonder that they easily persuaded themselves of the divine institution of slavery."
Jun[29] = "That secure possession is necessary to the use and improvement of land I have already explained, but that ownership is not necessary is shown by the fact that in all civilized countries land owned by one person is cultivated and improved by other persons."
Jun[30] = "We should keep our own market for our own producers, seems by many to be regarded as the same kind of a proposition as, We should keep our own pastures for our own cows, whereas, in truth, it is such a proposition as, We should keep our own appetites for our own cookery, or We should keep our own transportation for our own legs."

Jul = new Array
Jul[1] = "If I trade with a Canadian, a Mexican, or an Englishman it is for the same reason that I trade with an American -- that I would rather have the thing he gives me than the thing I give him. Why should I refuse to trade with a foreigner any more than with a fellow-citizen when my object in trading is my advantage, not his? And is it not in the one case, quite as much as in the other, an injury to me that my trade should be prevented?"
Jul[2] = "The ideal social state is not that in which each gets an equal amount of wealth, but in which each gets in proportion to his contribution to the general stock."
Jul[3] = "And so the costliest buildings are erected by those who are not owners of the land, but who have from the. owner a mere right of possession for a time on condition of certain payments. Nearly the whole of London has been built in this way."
Jul[4] = "The giant of the nations does not depend for her safety upon steel-clad fortresses and armor-plated ships which the march of invention must within a few years make, even in war-time, mere useless rubbish; but in her population, in her wealth, in the intelligence and inventiveness and spirit of her people, she has all that would be really useful in time of need. No nation on earth would venture wantonly to attack her, and none could do so with impunity. If we ever again have a foreign war it will be of our own making. And too strong to fear aggression, we ought to be too just to commit it."
Jul[5] = "The causes which have operated to supplant this original idea of the equal right to the use of land by the idea of exclusive and unequal rights may, I think, be everywhere vaguely but certainly traced. They are everywhere the same which have led to the denial of equal personal rights and the establishment of privileged classes."
Jul[6] = "To make that a crime by statue which is no crime in morals, is inevitably to destroy respect for law; to resort to oaths to prevent men from doing what they feel injures no one, is to weaken the sanctity of oaths. Corruption, evasion and false swearing are inseparable from tariffs. Can that be good for which these are the fruits?"
Jul[7] = "We have become accustomed to think that God's kingdom is not intended for this world -- that, virtually, this is the devil's world, and that God's kingdom is in some other sphere, to which He is to take good people when they die. If that be so, what is the use of praying for the coming of the kingdom?"
Jul[8] = "Tax buildings, and you will have fewer or poorer buildings; tax farms and you will have fewer farms and more wilderness; tax ships, there will be fewer and poorer ships, and tax capital, and there will be less capital; but you may tax land values all you please and there will not be a square inch the less land."
Jul[9] = "The essence of slavery is that it takes from the laborer all he produces save enough to support an animal existence, and to this minimum the wages of free labor, under existing conditions, unmistakably tend. Whatever be the increase of productive power, rent steadily tends to swallow up the gain, and more than the gain."
Jul[10] = "Nowhere in fact throughout the Scriptures can the slightest justification be found for the attaching to land of the same right of property that justly attaches to the things produced by labor. Everywhere is it treated as the free bounty of God, 'the land which the Lord thy God giveth thee.'"
Jul[11] = "If, therefore, the state levy a tax equal to what the land irrespective of improvement would bring, it will take the benefits of mere ownership, but will leave the full benefits of use and improvement, which the prevailing system does not do."
Jul[12] = "To have all the ships that left each country sunk before they could reach any other country would, upon protectionist principles, be the quickest means of enriching the whole world, since all countries could then enjoy the maximum of exports with the minimum of imports."
Jul[13] = "Men will be more industrious and more moral, better workmen and better citizens, if each takes his earnings and carries them home to his family, than where they put their earnings in a 'pot' and gamble for them until some have far more than they could have earned, and others have little or nothing."
Jul[14] = "So is the equal right to land, there, and Thomas Jefferson meant it. If you go to his works and turn to a letter which he wrote from Paris to Madison, in 1756, 1 think you will see these words: 'I set out on this ground, which I suppose to be self-evident, that the earth belongs in usufruct to the living; that the dead have neither power nor rights over it.'  Isn't that a self-evident truth?"
Jul[15] = "Hence, when the owners of land, by virtue of their ownership and without laboring themselves, get the products of labor in abundance, these things must come from those who have a right to them and enjoyed by those who have no right to them."
Jul[16] = "Yet who can look about him without seeing that to whatever cause poverty may be due, it is not due to the niggardliness of nature; without seeing that it is blindness or blasphemy to assume that the Creator has condemned the masses of men to hard toil for a bare living."
Jul[17] = "The tax upon land values or rent is in all economic respects the most perfect of taxes. No political economist will deny that it contains the maximum of certainty with the minimum of loss and cost; that, unlike taxes upon capital or exchange or improvement, it does not check production or enhance prices or fall ultimately upon the consumer."
Jul[18] = "Wherever society begins, wherever men begin to come together, land begins to have a value, and that value increases as population increases, as the arts are developed, as improvements are made. The value of land is the one thing that steadily advances in the midst of an advancing civilization. The tendency of advancing civilization is to reduce the price of all manufactured goods, of the products of labor, but everywhere to increase the price of land. Now here is a universal fact which bespeaks a universal law-a flat of creative mind. What does it mean? What is its purpose?"
Jul[19] = "If the land belong to the people, why continue to permit land owners to take the rent, or compensate them in any manner for the loss of rent? Consider what rent is. It does not arise spontaneously from land; it is due to nothing that the land owners have done. It represents a value created by the whole community. Let the landholders have, if you please, all that the possession of the land would give them in the absence of the rest of the community. But rent, the creation of the whole community, necessarily belongs to the whole community."
Jul[20] = "Here we have a firm, self-apparent principle from which we may safely proceed. The land of Ireland does not belong to one individual more than to another individual, to one class more than to another class; to one generation more than to the generations that come after. It belongs to the whole people who at the time exist upon it."
Jul[21] = "What largely keeps men from realizing the robbery involved in private property in land is that in the most striking cases the robbery is not of individuals, but of the community. For, as I have before explained, it is impossible for rent in the economic sense that value which attaches to land by reason of social growth and improvement-to go to the user."
Jul[22] = "Take Italy! Is it not true that the greater part of the land of Italy is held by those who so far from ever having expended industry on it have been mere appropriators of the industry of those who have?"
Jul[23] = "How is it that England, where labor is better paid than on the Continent, leads the whole of Europe in commerce and manufactures? The truth is, that a low rate of wages does not mean a low cost of production, but the reverse."
Jul[24] = "'The poor ye have always with you.' If ever a scripture has been wrested to the devil's service, this is that scripture. How often have these words been distorted from their obvious meaning to soothe conscience into acquiescence in human misery and degradation."
Jul[25] = "Tax land values all you please up to the point of taking the full annual value-up to the point of making mere ownership in land utterly unprofitable so that no one will want merely to own land-what will be the result? Simply the land will be the easier had by the user."
Jul[26] = "Herbert Spencer says: 'Had we to deal with the parties who originally robbed the human race of its heritage, we might make short work of the matter.' Why not make short work of the matter anyhow? For this robbery is not like the robbery of a horse or a sum of money, that ceases with the act. It is a fresh and continuous robbery, that goes on every day and every hour."
Jul[27] = "Free trade is voluntary trade. It cannot go on unless to the advantage of both parties, and, as between the two, free trade is relatively more advantageous to the poor and undeveloped country than to the rich and prosperous country."
Jul[28] = "But look around. All over the world the beauty and the glory and the grace of civilization rest on human lives crushed into misery and distortion."
Jul[29] = "just in proportion as the interests of the landholders are conserved, just in that proportion must general interests and general rights be disregarded, and if landholders are to lose nothing of their special privileges, the people at large can gain nothing"
Jul[30] = "For every social wrong there must be a remedy. But the remedy can be nothing less than the abolition of the wrong. Half-way measures, mere ameliorations and secondary reforms, can at any time accomplish little, and can in the long run avail nothing."
Jul[31] = "Private property in land as we know it, the attaching to land of the same right of ownership that justly attaches to the products of labor, has never grown up anywhere save by usurpation or force. Like slavery, it is the result of war. It comes to us of the modern world from your ancestors, the Romans, whose civilization it corrupted and whose empire it destroyed."

Aug = new Array
Aug[1] = "Our boasted freedom necessarily involves slavery so long as we recognize private property in land. Unless that is abolished, Declarations of Independence and Acts of Emancipation are in vain. So long as one can claim the exclusive ownership of the land from which other men must live, slavery will exist, and as material progress goes on, must grow and deepen."
Aug[2] = "Until we in some way make the land, what Nature intended it to be, common property, until we in some way secure to every child born among us his natural birthright, we have not established the Republic in any sense worthy of the name, and we can not establish the Republic. Its foundations are quick-sand."
Aug[3] = "Speaking of England, the highest authority on such subjects, the late Professor Thorold Rogers, declares that in the thirteenth century there was no class so poor, so helpless, so pressed and degraded as are millions of Englishmen in our boasted nineteenth century."
Aug[4] = "There runs through protectionist professions of concern for labor a tone of condescending patronage more insulting to men who feel the true dignity of labor than frankly expressed contempt could be -- an assumption that pauperism is the natural condition of labor, to which it must everywhere fall unless benevolently protected. It is never intimated that the land-owner or the capitalist needs protection. They, it is always assumed, can take care of themselves. It is only the poor workingman who must be protected."
Aug[5] = "Did you ever see a company of well-bred men and women sitting down to a good dinner, without scrambling or jostling, or gluttony, each knowing that his own appetite will be satisfied, deferring to and helping the others? That is human society as it might be."
Aug[6] = "If a man today, in any of the states of the Union, makes two blades of grass grow where one grew before, the tax gatherer comes down and fines him for it. If he builds a house where there was none before, he has to pay a fine of so much each year. The bigger the house he builds the more he has to pay. The more he produces, the more he saves, the more he is supposed to be taxed for it."
Aug[7] = "Thus we realize that what is to be done to purify the State, to solve the labor question, to do away with undeserved poverty, to give to all sons of men equal opportunity to live their lives and develop their powers, is not to construct any elaborate machinery, but simply to do the will of God; simply to obey the moral law; simply to give to men that opportunity that is their birthright, that freedom that He intended. And out of this perception of the justice and wisdom and beneficence of that power that is before and beyond us grows a faith that trusts where it cannot see."
Aug[8] = "The injustice, the want, the suffering growing out of bitter poverty on the one side and monstrous wealth on the other, that so threaten and perplex the world today, raise no doubt in our minds of the existence and beneficience of a Supreme Intelligence, for we see that they spring not from His neglect, not from His niggardliness, but from man's violation of His order and rejection of His blessings."
Aug[9] = "Cease to be? No; I do not believe it! Cease to be? No; only to our senses, yet encompassed in the flesh that he has shed. For our hearts bear witness to our reason that that which stands for good does not cease to be. We who hold the faith he held, we who strive for the aim that was his aim -- we of all men may say farewell to the outward semblance of our friends in the confident belief that that which animated it, that which we loved, that which we honor, though it has passed from our view, has not ceased to be."
Aug[10] = "We see in the material provision that He has made for men room for all, work for all, abundance for all, and opportunities of leisure and the fullest development for all, conditioned only on men's obedience to the moral law that teaches us to give each his right; to do to others as we would have others do to us."
Aug[11] = "We see that in the most highly developed civilization there is no difficulty in securing to all an equal share in their Creator's bounty, but that in the Divine Forethought a provision has been made by virtue of which the very growth of society by increasing land values, provides a fund adequate for all the increasing needs of society, and that to apply this to its intended purpose would be to make the growth of civilization an advance toward greater and greater equality."
Aug[12] = "And thus we see that the evils which afflict the world, and which to so many shut out the idea of a beneficent Creator and the moral government of the universe, spring really from the wrong that disinherits the masses of all share in their birthright, and turns into the reward of greed and the incentive to forestalling the provision designed to supply the wants of society and promote equality."
Aug[13] = "It is often said by protectionists that free trade is right in theory but wrong in practice. Whatever may be meant by such phrases they involve a contradiction in terms, since a theory that will not agree with facts must be false. But without inquiring into the validity of the protective theory it is clear that no such tariff as it proposes ever has been or ever can be made."
Aug[14] = "But I should like your Holiness to consider how utterly unnatural is the condition of the masses in the richest and most progressive of Christian countries; how large bodies of them live in habitations in which a rich man would not ask his dog to dwell; how the great majority have no homes from which they are not liable on the slightest misfortune to be evicted."
Aug[15] = "I believe in God the Father Almighty, maker of heaven and earth. I believe in Him not because my mother taught me so. I believe in Him not because the churches have preached to me of Him. There was a time when I did not, a time when I could not believe in Him. I believe in God the Father Almighty because wherever I have looked, through all that I see around me, I see the trace of an intelligent mind, and because in natural laws, and especially in the laws which govern the social relations of men, I see, not merely the proofs of intelligence, but the proofs of beneficence."
Aug[16] = "The wealthy class is becoming more wealthy; but the poorer class is becoming more dependent. The gulf between the employed and the employer is growing wider; social contrasts are becoming sharper; as liveried carriages appear, so do barefooted children. We are becoming used to talk of the working classes and the propertied classes; beggars are becoming so common that where it was once thought a crime little short of highway robbery to refuse food to one who asked for it, the gate is now barred and the bulldog loosed, while laws are passed against vagrants which suggest those of Henry VII."
Aug[17] = "But so far from this treatment of land in the United States having promoted settlement and reclamation, the very reverse is true. What it has promoted is the scattering of population in the country and its undue concentration in cities, to the disadvantage of production and the lessening of comfort."
Aug[18] = "Private property in land is the primary cause of the monstrous inequalities which are developing in modern society. It is this, and not any miscalculation of Nature in bringing into the world more mouths than she an feed, that gives rise to that tendency of wages to a minimum -- that 'iron law of wages' as the Germans call it -- that, in spite of all advances in productive power, compels the laboring classes to the least return on which they will consent to live."
Aug[19] = "What does our present system of taxation do? Why, it is a tax upon conscience, a tax upon truth; a tax upon respect to law; it offers a premium for lying and perjury and evasion; it fosters and stimulates bribery and corruption."
Aug[20] = "The squalid poverty that festers in the heart of our civilization, the vice and crime and degradation and ravening greed that flow from it, are the results of a treatment of land that ignores the simple law of justice."
Aug[21] = "In short, the American people have failed to see the essential injustice of private property in land, because as yet they have not felt its full effect. This public domain -- the vast extent of land yet to be reduced to private possession, the enormous common to which the faces of the energetic were always turned, has been the great fact that, since the days when the first settlements began to fringe the Atlantic Coast, has formed our national character and colored our national thought."
Aug[22] = "The worthy people who imagine that compulsory education or the prohibition of the drink traffic can abolish poverty are making the same mistake that the Anti-Corn Law reformers made when they imagined that the abolition of protection would make hunger impossible. Such reforms are in their own nature good and beneficial, but in a world like this, tenanted by beings like ourselves, and treated by them as the exclusive property of a part of their number, there must, under any conceivable condition, be a class on the verge of starvation."
Aug[23] = "If it be wise to 'encourage' American industries, and this we have yet to examine, the best way of doing so would be to abolish our tariff entirely and to pay bounties from funds obtained by direct taxation.  What more incongruous than the administering of custom-house oaths and the searching of trunks and handbags under the shadow of 'Liberty Enlightening the World?'"
Aug[24] = "Some few children are left by their fathers richer than it is good for them to be, but the vast majority not only are left nothing by their fathers, but by the system that makes land private property are deprived of the bounty of their Heavenly Father; are compelled to sue others for permission to live and to work, and to toil all their lives for a pittance that often does not enable them to escape starvation and pauperism."
Aug[25] = "'Thy kingdom come!' Day after day, Sunday after Sunday, week after week, century after century, has that prayer gone up, and today, in this so-called Christian city of Glasgow, 125,000 human beings -- so your medical officer says -- 125,000 children of God are living whole families in a single room."
Aug[26] = "So far from the recognition of private property in land being necessary to the proper use of land, the contrary is the case. Treating land as private property stands in the way of its proper use. Were land treated as public property it would be used and improved as soon as there was need for its use or improvement, but being treated as private property, the individual owner is permitted to prevent others from using or improving what he cannot or will not use or improve himself."
Aug[27] = "And what today is the result of private property in land in the richest of so-called Christian countries? It is not that young people fear to marry; that married people fear to have children; that children are driven out of life from sheer want of proper nourishment and care, or compelled to toil when they ought to be at school or at play."
Aug[28] = "The poverty and misery, the vice and degradation, that springs from the unequal distribution of wealth, are not the results of natural law; they spring from our defiance of natural law."
Aug[29] = "In itself the abolition of protection is like the driving off of a robber. But it will not help a man to drive off one robber, if another, still stronger and more rapacious, be left to plunder him. Labor may be likened to a man who as he carries home his earnings is waylaid by a series of robbers. One demands this much, and another that much, but last of all stands one who demands all that is left, save just enough to enable the victim to maintain life and come forth next day to work."
Aug[30] = "Turning back, wherever there is light to guide us, we may everywhere see that in their first perceptions, all peoples have recognized the common ownership in land, and that private property is an usurpation, a creation of force and fraud."
Aug[31] = "Under the regime of private property in land and in the richest countries not five per cent of fathers are able at their death to leave anything substantial to their children, and probably a large majority do not leave enough to bury them."

Sep = new Array
Sep[1] = "The men who deny that there is any practical way of carrying into effect the preception that all human beings are actually children of the Creator, shut their eyes to the plain and obvious way."
Sep[2] = "If I go this night where I may over the civilized world, I would find men who would gladly clasp hands with me -if it has been given to me to help forward a great movement-it is through no merit of mine; it is not from my energy; it is not from my learning; it is not from my ability-it is from the simple fact that, seeing a great truth, I swore to follow it."
Sep[3] = "What is necessary for the use of land is not its private ownership, but the security of improvements. It is not necessary to say to a man, 'this land is yours,' in order to induce him to cultivate or improve it. It is only necessary to say to him, 'whatever your labor, or capital produces on this land shall be yours.' Give a man security that he may reap, and he will sow; assure him of the possession of the house he wants to build, and he will build it. These are the natural rewards of labor. It is for the sake of the reaping that men sow; it is for the sake of possessing houses that men build. The ownership of land has nothing to do with it."
Sep[4] = "But where, by a measure affecting all alike, rent is appropriated for the benefit of all, there can be no claim to compensation. Compensation in such case would be a continuance of the same injustice in another form-the giving to land owners in the shape of interest of what they before got as rent."
Sep[5] = "The complete recognition of common rights to land need in no way interfere with the complete recognition of individual right to improvements or produce. Two men ma own a ship without sawing her in half. The ownership of a railway may be divided into a hundred thousand shares, and yet trains be run with as much system and precision as if there were but a single owner."
Sep[6] = "For it is true, as was declared by the first National Assembly of France, that 'ignorance, neglect, or contempt of human rights are the sole causes of public misfortunes and corruptions of government.'"
Sep[7] = "The tax on land values, it has at least this advantage; land cannot be hid; it cannot be carried off; it always remains, so to speak, out of doors. If you don't see the land you know that it is there; and of all values the value which attaches to land is the most definite, the most easily ascertained."
Sep[8] = "It is not by accident that, in the Hebraic religious development which through Christianity we have inherited, the declaration, 'The Lord thy God is a just God,' precedes the sweeter revelation of a God of Love. Until the eternal justice is perceived, the eternal love must be hidden. As the individual must be just before he can be truly generous, so must human society be based upon justice before it can be based on benevolence."
Sep[9] = "Land in itself has no value. Value arises only from human labor. It is not until the ownership of land' becomes equivalent to the ownership of laborers that any value attaches to it. And where land has a speculative value it is because of the expectation that the growth of society will in the future make its ownership equivalent to the ownership of laborers."
Sep[10] = "That justice is the highest quality in the moral hierarchy I do not say; but that it is the first. That which is above justice must be based on justice, and include justice, and be reached through justice."
Sep[11] = "The Duke styles me a Pessimist. But, however pessimistic I may be as to present social tendencies, I have a firm faith in human nature. I am convinced that the attainment of pure government is merely a matter of conforming social institution to moral law."
Sep[12] = "Compensated for what? For giving up what has been unjustly taken? The demand of land owners for compensation is not that. We do not seek to spoil the Egyptians.  We do not ask that what has been unjustly taken from laborers shall be restored. We merely propose that for the future such robbery of labor shall cease-that for the future, not for the past, landholders shall pay to the community the rent that to the community is justly due."
Sep[13] = "The power which the ownership of valuable land gives, is that of getting human service without giving human service, a power essentially the same as that power of appropriation which resides in the ownership of slaves. It is not a power of exchange, but a power of blackmail, such as would be asserted were some men compelled to pay other men for the use of the ocean, the air or the sunlight."
Sep[14] = "The greater part of the land of Great Britain is cultivated by tenants, the greater part of the buildings of London are built upon leased ground, and even in the United States the same system prevails everywhere to a greater or less extent. Thus it is a common matter for use to be separated from ownership."
Sep[15] = "What the socialists seek is the state assumption of capital (in which they vaguely and erroneously include land), or more properly speaking, of large capitals, and state management and direction of at least the larger operations of industry. In this way they hope to abolish interest, which they regard as a wrong and an evil; to do away with the gains of exchangers, speculators, contractors and middlemen, which they regard as waste."
Sep[16] = "And upon our relations with all other nations our repudiation of protection would have a similar tendency. The sending of delegations to ask the trade of our sister republics of Spanish America avails nothing so long as we maintain a tariff which repels their trade."
Sep[17] = "We would simply take for the community what belongs to the community, the value that attaches to land by the growth of the community; leave sacredly to the individual all that belongs to the individual; and, treating necessary monopolies as functions of the state, abolish all restrictions and prohibitions save those required for public health, safety, morals and convenience."
Sep[18] = "What is by nature the common birthright of all, we have made the exclusive property of individuals; what is by natural law the common fund, from which common wants should be met, we give to a few that they may lord it over their fellows. And so some are gorged while some go hungry, and more is wasted than would suffice to keep all in luxury."
Sep[19] = "That amid our highest civilization men faint and die with want is not due to the niggardliness of nature, but to the injustice of man. Vice and misery, poverty and pauperism, are not the legitimate results of increase of population and industrial development; they only follow increase of population and industrial development because land is treated as private property-they are the direct and necessary results of the violation of the supreme law of justice, involved in giving to some men the exclusive possession of that which nature provides for all men."
Sep[20] = "If I by my labor catch a fish, that fish is and ought to be mine; if I make a machine, that machine belongs to me; that is the sacred right of property. There is a clear title from the producer, resting upon the right of the individual to himself, to the use of his own powers, to his rights and to the enjoyments of the results of his exertion; the right that he may give, that he may sell, that he may bequeath."
Sep[21] = "With both anarchists and socialists, we, who for want of a better term have come to call ourselves single tax men, fundamentally differ. We regard them as erring in opposite directions-the one in ignoring the social nature of man, the other in ignoring his individual nature."
Sep[22] = "And so, where land is fully appropriated as private property no increase in the production of wealth, no economy in its use, can give the mere laborer more than the wages of the slave. If wealth rained down from heaven or welled up from the depths of the earth it could not enrich the laborer. It could merely increase the value of land."
Sep[23] = "This, and this alone, I contend for-that he who makes should have; that he who saves should enjoy. I ask in behalf of the poor nothing whatever that properly belongs to the rich. Instead of weakening and confusing the idea of property, I would surround it with stronger sanctions. Instead of lessening the incentive to the production of wealth, I would make it more powerful by making the reward more certain."
Sep[24] = "Desire grows by what it feeds on. Man is not like the ox. He has no fixed standard of satisfaction. To arouse his ambition, to educate him to new wants, is as certain to make him discontented with his lot as to make that lot harder."
Sep[25] = "Were all taxes placed upon land values, irrespective of improvements, the scheme of taxation would be so simple and clear, and public attention would be so directed to it, that the valuation of taxation could and would be made with the same certainty that a real estate agent can determine the price a seller can get for a lot."
Sep[26] = "The anarchists seem to us like men who would try to get along without heads, and the socialists like men who would try to rule the wonderful complex and delicate relations of their frames by conscious will."
Sep[27] = "There is much said of 'Irish landlordism,' as though it were a peculiar kind of landlordism, or a peculiarly bad kind of landlordism. This is not so. Irish landlordism is in nothing worse than English landlordism, or Scotch landlordism, or American landlordism, nor are the Irish landlords harder than any similar class."
Sep[28] = "But it seems to us the vice of socialism in all its degrees is its want of radicalism, of going to the root. It takes its theories from those who have sought to justify the impoverishment of the masses, and its advocates generally teach the preposterous and degrading doctrine that slavery was the first condition of labor."
Sep[29] = "Appropriate rent in the way I propose, and speculative rent would be at once destroyed. The dogs in 'the manger who are now holding so much land they have no use for, in order to extract a high price from those who do want to use it, would be at once choked off, and land from which labor and capital are now debarred under penalty of a heavy fine would be thrown open to improvement and use. The incentive to land monopoly would be gone. Population would spread where it is now too dense, and become denser where it is now too sparse."
Sep[30] = "A Custom House oath is a by-word; our assessors regularly swear to assess all property at its full, true, cash value, and habitually do nothing of the kind; men who pride themselves on their personal and commercial honor bribe officials and make false returns; and the demoralizing spectacle is constantly presented of the same court trying a murder one day and a vendor of unstamped matches the next!"

Oct = new Array
Oct[1] = "The first and universal perception of mankind is that declared by the American Indian Chief, Black Hawk: 'The Great Spirit has told me that land is not to be made property like other property. The earth is our mother!' And this primitive perception of the right of all men to the use of the soil from which all must live, has never been obscured save by a long course of usurpation and oppression."
Oct[2] = "We differ from the socialists in our diagnosis of the evil and we differ from them as to remedies. We have no fear of capital, regarding it as the natural hand-maiden of labor; we look on interest in itself as natural and just; we would set no limit to accumulation, nor impose on the rich any burden that is not equally placed on the poor; we see no evil in competition."
Oct[3] = "Thus it is, that to make either the abolition of protection or any other reform beneficial to the working-class we must abolish the inequality of legal rights to land, and restore to all their natural and equal rights in the common heritage."
Oct[4] = "To produce, to improve, is thus fraught with a penalty. We, in fact, treat the man who produces wealth, or accumulates wealth, as though he had done something which public policy calls upon us to discourage. If a house is erected, or a steamship or a factory is built, down comes the tax-gatherer to fine the men who have done such things."
Oct[5] = "With, perhaps, the exception of certain licenses and stamp duties, which may be made almost to collect themselves, but which can be relied on for only a trivial amount of revenue, a tax upon land values can, of all taxes, be most easily and cheaply collected. For land cannot be hidden or carried off; its value can be readily ascertained, and the assessment once made, nothing but a receiver is required for collection."
Oct[6] = "When we consider the achievements of man and then look upon the misery that exists today in the very centre of wealth, upon the ignorance, the weakness, the injustice, that characterize our highest civilization, we may know of a surety that it is not the fault of God; it is the fault of man. May we not know that in that very power God has given to his children here, in that power of rising higher, there is involved-and necessarily involved-the power of falling lower."
Oct[7] = "Landholders must elect to try their case either by human law or by moral law. If they say that land is rightfully property because made so by human law, they cannot charge those who would change that law with advocating robbery. But if they charge that such change in human law would be robbery, then they must show that land is rightfully property irrespective of human law."
Oct[8] = "What I, therefore, 'propose, as the simple yet sovereign remedy, which would raise wages, increase the earnings of capital, extirpate pauperism, abolish poverty, give remunerative employment to whoever wishes it, afford free scope to human powers, lessen crime, elevate morals, and taste, and intelligence, purify government and carry civilization to yet nobler heights, is-to appropriate rent by taxation."
Oct[9] = "Here are two simple principles, both of which are self-evident: I.-That all men have equal rights to the use and enjoyment of the elements provided by nature. II.-That each man has an exclusive right to the use of and enjoyment of what is produced by his own labor."
Oct[10] = "The higher the value of land the more capital does the farmer require if he buys outright; or, if he buys on installments or rents, the more of his earnings must he give up each year. Men who would eagerly improve and cultivate land could it be had for the using are thus turned away to wander long distances and waste their means in looking for better opportunities."
Oct[11] = "Tax manufacturers, and the effect is to check manufacturing; tax improvements, and the effect is to lessen improvements; tax commerce, and the effect is to prevent exchange; tax capital and the effect is to drive it away. But the whole value of land may be taken in taxation, and the only effect will be to stimulate industry, to open new opportunities to capital and to increase the production of wealth."
Oct[12] = "We would leave to him who produces wealth, to him to whom the title of the producer passed, all that wealth; no matter what be its form, it belongs to the individual. We would take for the uses of the community the value of land for the same reason. It belongs to the community because the growth of the community produces it."
Oct[13] = "I believe that there is in true Christianity a power to regenerate the world. But it must be a Christianity that attacks vested wrongs, not that spurious thing that defends them. The religion which allies itself with injustice to preach down the natural aspirations of the masses is worse than atheism."
Oct[14] = "Free trade means free production. Now fully to free production it is necessary not only to remove all taxes on production, but also to remove all other restrictions on production. True free trade, in short, requires that the active factor of production, Labor, shall have free access to the passive factor of production, Land. To secure this all monopoly of land must be broken up, and the equal right of all to the use of the natural elements must be secured by the treatment of the land as the common property in usufruct of the whole people."
Oct[15] = "Manifestly, work is not an end, but a means; manifestly there can be no real scarcity of work, which is but the means of satisfying material wants, until human wants are all satisfied."
Oct[16] = "But the fundamental difference the difference I ask your Holiness specially to note, is in this: socialism in all its phases looks on the evils of our civilization as springing from the inadequacy or inharmony of natural relations, which must be artificially organized or improved."
Oct[17] = "And it may be said generally, that businesses which are in their nature monopolies are properly part of the functions of the State, and should be assumed by the State. There is the same reason why Government should carry telegraphic messages as that it should carry letters; that railroads should belong to the public as that common roads should."
Oct[18] = "On the other hand, we who call ourselves single tax men (a name which expresses merely our practical propositions) see in the social and industrial relations of men not a machine which requires construction, but an organization which needs only to be suffered to grow."
Oct[19] = "It is because the free trade principle carried to its logical conclusion would destroy that monopoly of nature's bounty which enables those who do no work to live in luxury at the expense of 'the poor people who have to work,' that so-called free traders have not ventured to ask even the abolition of tariffs, but have endeavored to confine the free trade principle to the mere abolition of protective duties. To go further would be to meet the lion of 'vested interests.'"
Oct[20] = "Thus, so long as private property in land continues-so long as some men are treated as owners of the earth and other men can live on it only by their sufferance-human wisdom can devise no means by which the evils of our present condition may be avoided."
Oct[21] = "The essence of slavery is the robbery of labor. It consists in compelling men to work, yet taking from them all the produce of their labor except what suffices for a bare living. Of how many of our 'free and equal American citizens' is that already the lot? And of how many more is it coming to be the lot?"
Oct[22] = "The deepening plain, the increasing perplexity, the growing discontent for which as you truly say, some remedy must be found and quickly found, means nothing less than that forces of destruction swifter and more terrible than those that have shattered every preceding civilization are already menacing ours."
Oct[23] = ", Insanity is increasing, suicide is increasing, the disposition to shun marriage is increasing. We are developing on the one side, enormous fortunes, but on the other side, utter pariahs."
Oct[24] = "With natural opportunities thus free to labor; with capital and improvements exempt from tax, and exchange released from restrictions, the spectacle of willing men unable to turn their labor into the things they are suffering for would become impossible; the recurring paroxysms which paralyze industry would cease; every wheel of production would be set in motion; demand would keep pace with supply, and supply with demand; trade would increase in every direction, and wealth augment on every hand."
Oct[25] = "If he would thus found on the widespread existence of exclusive property in land an argument for its righteousness, what, may I ask him will he say to the much stronger argument that might thus be made for the righteousness of polygamy or chattel slavery?"
Oct[26] = "All schemes for securing equality in the conditions of men by placing the distribution of wealth in the hands of government have the fatal defect of beginning at the wrong end. They pre-suppose pure government; but it is not government that makes society; it is society that makes government; and until there is something like substantial equality in the distribution of wealth we cannot expect pure government."
Oct[27] = "And no one can think of it without seeing that a very kingdom of God might be brought on this earth if men would but seek to do justice-if men would but acknowledge the essential principle of Christianity, that of doing to others as we would have others do to us, and of recognizing that we are all here equally the children of the one Father, equally entitled to share His bounty, equally entitled to live our lives and develop our faculties, and to apply our labor to the raw material that He has provided."
Oct[28] = "And to shift the burden of taxation from production and exchange to the value or rent of land would not merely be to give new stimulus to the production of wealth; it would be to open new opportunities. For under this system no one would care to hold land unless to use it, and land now withheld from use would everywhere be thrown open to improvement."
Oct[29] = "They who, seeing how men are forced by competition to the extreme of human wretchedness, jump to the conclusion that competition should be abolished, are like those who, seeing a house burn down, would prohibit the use of fire."
Oct[30] = "In this new country, where there are as yet only sixty-five millions of us scattered over a territory that in the present stage of the arts is sufficient to support in comfort a thousand million; yet we are actually thinking and talking as if there were too many people in the country."
Oct[31] = "We punish with a tax the man who covers barren fields with ripening grain; we fine him who puts up machinery, and him who drains a swamp. How heavily these taxes burden production only those realize who have attempted to follow our system of taxation through its ramifications, for, as I have before said, the heaviest part of taxation is that which falls in increased prices."

Nov = new Array
Nov[1] = "Your notion that the movement which I represent springs from a 'desire to substitute the ideas of Anarchists, Nihilists, Communists, Socialists, and mere theorists for the Democratic principle of individual liberty which involves the right to private property,' is founded upon a gross misapprehension, which will be dissipated in your mind if you will read the platform of the convention which nominated me."
Nov[2] = "We people are packed together in this city of New York closer than anywhere else in the world-packed together so closely that the rate of mortality is greater than in any other civilized country; yet there is plenty of land here. Ride up on any of the elevated roads, and you will see plenty of vacant ground. One-half the area of New York is not yet built upon."
Nov[3] = "If you want to know the reason why people crowd into the city and work cannot be found for them go out into the country; see, even in our far West, men tramping for miles-hundreds of miles-in a vain quest for a place where they can make a home without paying blackmail to some dog in the manger."
Nov[4] = "Men do not overwork themselves because they like it; it is not in the nature of the mother's heart to send children to work when they ought to be at play; it is not of choice that laborers will work in dangerous and unsanitary conditions. These things, like over-crowding, come from the sting of poverty."
Nov[5] = "The condition of the masses today is that of men pressed together in a hall where ingress is open and more are constantly coming, but where the doors for egress are closed. If forbidden to relieve the general pressure by throwing open those doors, whose bars and bolts are private property in land, they can only mitigate the pressure on themselves by forcing back others, and the weakest must be driven to the wall. That is the way of labor unions and trade guilds. Even those amiable societies that you recommend would in their efforts to find employment for their own members necessarily displace others.-"
Nov[6] = "Every honest man of all parties ought to join in the movement to secure that great reform which will enable the will of the people to be expressed. To secure that we have only to take a very simple system, which originated in Australia and now obtains in Great Britain and Ireland."
Nov[7] = "That the civilized world is on the verge of the most tremendous struggle, which according to the frankness and sagacity with which it is met, will be a struggle of ideals or a struggle of actual physical force, calling upon all the potent agencies of destruction which modern invention has discovered, every sign of the times portends. The voices that proclaim the eve of revolution are in the air."
Nov[8] = "Human beings are overworked, are starved, are robbed of all the light and sweetness of life, are condemned to ignorance and brutishness, and to the infection of physical and moral disease; are driven to crime and suicide, not by other individuals, but by iron necessities for which it seems that no one in particular is responsible"
Nov[9] = "Nor are you asking justice when you ask employers to pay their workingmen more than they are compelled to pay -more than they could get others to do the work for. You are asking charity. For the surplus that the rich employer thus gives is not in reality wages, it is essentially alms."
Nov[10] = "When a mighty wind meets a strong current, it does nor portend a smooth sea. And whoever will think of the opposing tendencies beginning to develop will appreciate the gravity of the social problems the civilized world must soon meet. He will also understand the meaning of Christ's words when He said: 'Think not I am come to send peace on earth. I come not to send peace, but a sword.'"
Nov[11] = "It is the taking by the community for the use of the community, of that value which is the creation of the community. It is the application of the common property to common uses. When all rent is taken by taxation for the needs of the community, then will the equality ordained by nature be attained. No citizen will have an advantage over any other citizen save as is given by his industry, skill and intelligence; and each will obtain what he fairly earns. Then, but not till then, will labor get its full reward and capital its natural return."
Nov[12] = "Nor can the state cure poverty by regulating wages. It is as much beyond the power of the state to regulate wages as it is to regulate the rates of interest. Usury laws have been tried again and again, but the only effect they have ever had has been to increase what the poorer borrowers must pay."
Nov[13] = "Today one half of the area of New York city is unbuilt upon-is absolutely unused. When there is such a pressure, why don't people go to the vacant lots and build there? Because, though unused, the land is owned; because, speculating upon the future growth of the city, the owners of those vacant lots demand thousands of dollars before they will permit any one to put a house upon them."
Nov[14] = "Under the feudal system the greater part of public expenses was defrayed from the rent of land, and the land holders had to do the fighting or bear its cost. Had this system continued, England, for instance, would today have had no public debt."
Nov[15] = "The general rate of wages is fixed by the ease or difficulty with which labor can obtain access to land, ranging from the full earnings of labor, where land is free, to the least on which laborers can live and reproduce, where land is fully monopolized."
Nov[16] = "'Come with me,' said Richard Cobden, as John Bright turned heart-stricken from a new-made grave. 'There are in England women and children dying with hunger-with hunger made by the laws. Come with me, and we will not rest until we repeal those laws.'"
Nov[17] = "While every citizen may properly be called upon to bear his fair share in all proper expenses of government, it is manifestly an infringement of natural rights to use the taxing power so as to give one citizen an advantage over another, to take from some the proceeds of their labor in order to swell the profits of others, and to punish as crimes actions which in themselves are not injurious."
Nov[18] = "To increase the comforts, and leisure, and independence of the masses is to increase their intelligence; it is to bring the brain to the aid of the hand; it is to engage in the common work of life the faculty which measures the animalcule and traces the orbits of the stars."
Nov[19] = "We cannot safely leave politics to politicians, or political economy to college professors. The people themselves must think, because the people alone can act."
Nov[20] = "How, moreover, on the principle which you declare that to the state the interests of all are equal, whether high or low,' will you justify state aid to one man to buy a bit of land without also insisting on state aid to another man to buy a donkey, to another to buy a shop, to another to buy the tools and materials of a trade-state aid in short to everybody who may be able to make good use of it or thinks that he could?"
Nov[21] = "The American Republic has no more need for its burlesque of a navy than a peaceable giant would have for a stuffed club or a tin sword."
Nov[22] = "The efficiency of labor always increases with the habitual wages of labor-for high wages mean increased self-respect, intelligence, hope and energy. Man is not a machine, that will do so much and no more; he is not an animal, whose powers may reach thus far and no further. It is mind, not muscle, which is the great agent of production."
Nov[23] = "But, it is a fact, of which I need hardly more than remind him, though less well-informed people may be ignorant of it, that the treatment of land as individual property is comparatively recent, and by at least nine hundred and ninety-nine out of every thousand of those who have lived on this world, has never been dreamed of. It is only with the last two centuries that it has, by the abolition of feudal tenures, and the suppression of tribal customs, fully obtained among our own people."
Nov[24] = "Democratic government in more than name can only exist where wealth is distributed with something like equality-where the great mass of citizens are personally free and independent,, neither fettered by their poverty nor made subject by their wealth."
Nov[25] = "For poverty is not merely deprivation; it means shame, degradation; the searing of the most sensitive parts of our moral and mental nature as with hot irons; the denial of the strongest impulses and the sweetest affections; the wrenching of the most vital nerves."
Nov[26] = "When fire shall be cool and ice be warm, when armies shall throw away lead and iron, to try conclusions by the pelting of rose leaves, such labor associations as you are thinking of may be possible. But not till then. For labor/ associations can do nothing to raise wages but by force."
Nov[27] = "Practically, then, the greatest, the most fundamental of all reforms, the reform which will make all other reforms easier, and without which no other reform will avail, is to be reached by concentrating all taxation into a tax upon the value of land, and making that heavy enough to take as near as may be the whole ground rent for common purposes."
Nov[28] = "Nothing is more obvious-at least in the United States, where the tendencies of modern development may be seen much more clearly than in Europe-than that a union of railroading with the other functions of government is inevitable. We may not like it, but we cannot avoid it. Either government must manage the railroads, or the railroads must manage the government. There is no escape. To refuse one horn of the dilemma is to be impaled on the other."
Nov[29] = "So far from having abolished slavery, it is extending and intensifying, and we make no scruple of selling into it our own children-the citizens of the republic yet to be. For what else are we doing in selling the land on which future citizens must live, if they are to live at all?"
Nov[30] = "Were land treated as the property of the whole people, the ground rent accruing to the community would suffice for public purposes, and all other taxation might be dispensed with."

Dec = new Array
Dec[1] = "But is there not growing up among us a class who have all the power without any of the virtues of aristocracy? We have simple citizens who control thousands of miles of railroads, millions of acres of land, the means of livelihood of great numbers of men; who name the Governors of sovereign states as they name their clerks, choose Senators as they choose attorneys, and whose will is as supreme with Legislatures as that of a French King sitting in bed of justice."
Dec[2] = "You assume that all employers are rich men, who might raise wages much higher were they not so grasping. But is it not the fact that the great majority of employers are in reality as much pressed by competition as their workmen, many of them constantly on the verge of failure? Such employers could not possibly raise the wages they pay, however they might wish to, unless all others were compelled to do so."
Dec[3] = "Consider how the rich see the meaner side of human nature; how they are surrounded by flatterers and sycophants; how they find ready instruments not only to gratify vicious impulses, but to prompt and stimulate them; how they must constantly be on guard lest they be swindled; how often they must suspect an ulterior motive behind kindly deed or friendly word; how if they try to be generous they are beset by shameless beggars and scheming impostors; how often the family affections are chilled for them, and their deaths anticipated with the ill-concealed joy of expectant possession."
Dec[4] = "'The greatest glory of America,' said Carlyle, 'is that there every peasant can have a turkey in his pot.' Alas, that glory is passing away, and we are rapidly tending towards conditions in which the lot of the masses will be harder than it is in Europe. Carlyle somewhere says that poverty is the hell of which the modern Englishman is most afraid. And he is right. Poverty is the open-mouthed, relentless hell which yawns beneath civilized society. And it is hell enough."
Dec[5] = "And whoever will look may see that though our civilization is apparently advancing with greater rapidity than ever, the same cause which turned Roman progress into retrogression is operating now."
Dec[6] = "And so, in saying that poverty is no disgrace, you convey an unreasonable implication. For poverty ought to be a disgrace, since in a condition of social justice it would, where unsought from religious motives or unimposed by unavoidable misfortune, imply recklessness or laziness."
Dec[7] = "And, further than this, the Irish land system, which is so much talked of as though it were some peculiarly atrocious system, is essentially the same land system which prevails in all civilized countries, which we of the United States have accepted unquestioningly, and have extended over the whole temperate zone of a new continent-the same system which all over the civilized world men are accustomed to consider natural and just."
Dec[8] = "And so it is not necessary, in order to secure equal rights to land, to make an equal division of land. All that it is necessary to do is to collect the ground rents for the common benefit."
Dec[9] = "Why do not people, when they are crowded together so, build more houses? There are any quantity of workmen who want to build houses, and many capitalists eager to furnish the money. Why don't they build? Simply because they cannot get the land to build the houses on; they would have to pay an exorbitant price."
Dec[10] = "The essence of slavery is in empowering one man to obtain the labor of another without recompense. Private property in land does this as fully as chattel slavery. The slave owner must leave to the slave enough of his earnings to enable him to live. Are there not in so called free countries great bodies of workingmen who get no more?"
Dec[11] = "If ten thousand men settle on land that is all of equal quality, some portion of that land, that which is toward the center, or for other reasons becomes the easiest place of exchange, will become more valuable than the rest; and such values tend to increase as social development goes on. These values of locality give rise to economic rent. They constitute and differentiate from the values created by individuals a tangible value created by the growth of society as a whole, of which no one can justly say, 'It is mine,' but of which all can say, 'It is ours.'"
Dec[12] = "To remove want and the fear of want, to give to all classes leisure, and comfort, and independence, the decencies and refinements of life, the opportunities of mental and moral development would be like turning water into a desert."
Dec[13] = "Charity is indeed a noble and beautiful virtue, grateful to man and approved by God. But charity must be built on justice. It cannot supersede justice."
Dec[14] = "Nor do we seek any 'futile and ridiculous equality.' We recognize, with you, that there must always be differences and inequalities. In so far as there are in conformity with the moral law, in so far as they do not violate the command, 'Thou shalt not steal,' we are content."
Dec[15] = "Appropriation can give no right. The man who raises a cupful of water from a river, acquires a right to that cupful, and no one may rightfully snatch it from his hand; but this right is derived from labor, not from appropriation."
Dec[16] = "And so, when we consider the phenomenon of rent it reveals to us one of those adaptations, in which more than in anything else the human mind recognizes evidences of Mind infinitely greater, and catches glimpses of the Master Workman."
Dec[17] = "Even were it true that the common opinion of mankind has sanctioned private property in land, this would no more prove its justice than the known world would have once universal practice of the proved the justice of slavery."
Dec[18] = "Thus, that any species of property is permitted by the state does not of itself give it moral sanction. The state has often made things property that are not justly property, but involve violence and robbery."
Dec[19] = "In paying our rents here, we people of New York are paying not merely for the building accommodations. The great price we pay is for the use of the land-or the use of the air."
Dec[20] = "Tax land values and you leave to production its full rewards, and you open to producers natural opportunities."
Dec[21] = "By making land private property, by permitting individuals to appropriate this fund which nature plainly intended for the use of all, we throw the children's bread to the dogs of Greed and Lust; we produce a primary inequality which gives rise in every direction to other tendencies to inequality."
Dec[22] = "The wrong that produces inequality; the wrong that in the midst of abundance tortures men with want or harries them with the fear of want; that stunts them physically, degrades them intellectually, and distorts them morally, is what alone prevents harmonious social development."
Dec[23] = "God's commands cannot be evaded with impunity. If it be God's command that men shall earn their bread by labor, the idle rich must suffer. And they do. See the utter vacancy of the lives of those who live for pleasure; see the loathsome vices bred in a class who surrounded by poverty are sated with wealth. See that terrible punishment of ennui, of which the poor know so little that they cannot understand it."
Dec[24] = "The worst evil of poverty is not in the want of material things, but in the stunting and distortion of the higher qualities. So, though in another way, the possession of unearned wealth likewise stunts and distorts what is noblest in man."
Dec[25] = "With want destroyed; with greed changed to noble passions; with the fraternity that is born of equality taking the place of the jealousy and fear that now array men against each other; with mental power loosed by conditions that give to the humblest comfort and leisure; and who shall measure the heights to which our civilization may soar? Words fail the thought. It is the Golden Age of which poets have sung and high-raised seers have told in metaphor. It is the glorious vision which has always haunted man with gleams of fitful splendor. It is what he saw whose eyes at Patmos were closed in a trance. It is the culmination of Christianity-the city of God on earth, with its walls of jasper and its gates of pearl! It is the reign of the Prince of Peace!"
Dec[26] = "Taxation must not give some an advantage over others, as by increasing the prices of what some have to sell and others must buy."
Dec[27] = "Taxation must not confuse the distinctions of right and wrong, and weaken the sanctions of religion and the state by creating crimes that are not sins, and punishing men for doing what in itself they have an undoubted right to do."
Dec[28] = "The existence of private property in land is a great social wrong from which society at large suffers, and of which the very rich and the very poor are alike victims, though at the opposite extremes. Seeing this, it seems to us like a violation of Christian charity to speak of the rich as though they individually were responsible for the sufferings of the poor. Yet, while you do this, you insist that the cause of monstrous wealth and degrading poverty shall not be touched."
Dec[29] = "Property in land, like property in slaves, is essentially different from property in things that are the result of labor."
Dec[30] = "And, following Smith, came Malthus, to formulate a doctrine which throws upon the Creator the responsibility for the want and vice that flows from man's injustice -- a doctrine which has barred from the inquiry which Smith did not pursue even such high and generous minds as that of John Stuart Mill."
Dec[31] = "Here is the conclusion of the whole matter: That we should do unto others as we would have them do to us -- that we should respect the rights of others as scrupulously as we would have our own rights respected, is not a mere counsel of perfection to individuals, but it is the law to which we must conform social institutions and national policy if we would secure the blessings of abundance and peace."